The Hague Congress, 7-11 May 1948
The ravages wrought by six years of war and by the occupation, the diminution of world food production,the destruction of industrial capacity, the creation of huge debts, the maintenance of military expenditure out of all proportion to the resources of the people, the shifting of economic power, the rancours left by war, the progressive evils of nationalism and the absence, despite the work of U.N.O., of an international authority sufficiently strong to provide law and order, constitute an unprecedented menace to the well-being and the security of the peoples of Europe and threaten them with ruin.
In accordance with the principles and objectives set out in the Political Report submitted by the International Committee of the Movements for European Unity:
(1) RECOGNISES that it is the urgent duty of the nations of Europe to create an economic and political union in order to assure security and social progress.
(2) NOTES with approval the recent steps which have been taken by some European Governments in thedirection of economic and political co-operation, but believes that in the present emergency the organisations created are by themselves insufficient to provide any lasting remedy.
(3) DECLARES that the time has come when the European nations must transfer and merge some portion of their sovereign rights so as to secure common political and economic action for the integration and proper development of their common resources.
(4) CONSIDERS that any Union or Federation of Europe should be designed to protect the security of its constituent peoples, should be free from outside control, and should not be directed against any other nation.
(5) ASSIGNS to a United Europe the immediate task of establishing progressively a democratic social system, the aim of which shall be to free men from all types of slavery and economic insecurity, just as political democracy aims at protecting them against the exercise of arbitrary power.
(6) AFFIRMS that the integration of Germany in a United or Federated Europe alone provides a solution to both the economic and political aspects of the German problem.
(7) DECLARES that the Union or Federation must assist in assuring the economic, political and cultural advancement of the populations of the overseas territories associated with it, without prejudice to the special ties which now link these territories to European countries.
(8) DEMANDS the convening, as a matter of real urgency, of a European Assembly chosen by the Parliaments of the participating nations, from among their members or others, designed
(a) to stimulate and give expression to European public opinion;
(b) to advise upon immediate practical measures designed progressively to bring about the necessary economic and political union of Europe;
(c) to examine the juridical and constitutional implications arising out of the creation of such a Union or Federation and their economic and social consequences;
(d) to prepare the necessary plans for the above purposes.
Charter of Human Rights
(9) CONSIDERS that the resultant Union or Federation should be open to all European nations democratically governed and which undertake to respect a Charter of Human Rights.
(10) RESOLVES that a Commission should be set up to undertake immediately the double task of drafting such a Charter and of laying down standards to which a State must conform if it is to deserve the name of a democracy.
(11) DECLARES that in no circumstances shall a State be entitled to be called a democracy unless it does, in fact as well as in law, guarantee to its citizens liberty of thought, assembly and expression, as well as the right to form a political opposition.
(12) REQUESTS that this Commission should report within three months on its labours.
(13) IS CONVINCED that in the interests of human values and human liberty, the Assembly should make proposals for the establishment of a Court of Justice with adequate sanctions for the implementation of this Charter, and to this end any citizen of the associated countries shall have redress before the court, at anytime and with the least possible delay, of any violation of his rights as formulated in the Charter.
(14) DECLARES that the creation of a United Europe is an essential element in the creation of a united world.
On 7 May 1948, at the opening session of the Congress of Europe in The Hague, Winston Churchill, former British Prime Minister and Honorary President of the Congress, delivers an address from the platform in the Ridderzaal (Knights' Hall) at the Binnenhof, home to the Netherlands' Parliament, in which he warns of the threat which the Soviet Union represents for the future of European unification.
The Congress of Europe
May 7, 1948
Since I spoke on this subject at Zurich in 1946, and since our British United Europe Movement was launched in January 1947, events have carried our affairs beyond our expectations.
This cause was obviously either vital or merely academic. If it was academic, it would wither by the wayside; but if it was the vital need of Europe and the world in this dark hour, then the spark would start a fire which would glow brighter and stronger in the hearts and the minds of men and women in many lands.
This is what has actually happened. Great governments have banded themselves together with all their executive power.
The mighty republic of the United States has espoused the Marshall Plan.
Sixteen European States are now associated for economic purposes; five have entered into close economic and military relationship. We hope that this nucleus will in due course be joined by the peoples of Scandinavia, and of the Iberian peninsula, as well as by Italy, who should now resume her full place in the comity of nations.
All who have worked and tried their best and especially Ministers in responsible office - we must not forget what their difficulties are-like Mr. Bevin, M. Bidault, M. Spaak, and General Marshall and others, have a right to feel content with the progress made and proud of what they have done.
This is not a Movement of parties but a movement of peoples. There is no room for jealousies. If there is rivalry of parties, let it be to see which one will distinguish itself the most for the common cause.
No one can suppose that Europe can be united on any party or sectional basis, any more than any one nation can assert an overweening predominance. It must be all for all. Europe can only be united by the heart-felt wish and vehement expression of the great majority of all the peoples in all the parties in all the freedom-loving countries, no matter where they dwell or how they vote.
We need not waste our time in disputes about who originated this idea of United Europe. There are many valid modern patents. There are many famous names associated with the revival and presentation of this idea, but we may all, I think, yield our pretensions to Henry Navarre, King of France, who, with his great Minister Sully, between the years 1600 and 1607, laboured to set up a permanent committee representing the fifteen-now we are sixteen-leading Christian States of Europe. This body was to act as an arbitrator on all questions concerning religious conflict, national frontiers, internal disturbance, and common action against any danger from the East, which in those days meant the Turks. This he called "The Grand Design." After this long passage of time we are the servants of the Grand Design.
This Congress has brought together leaders of thought and action from all the free countries of Europe. Statesmen of all political parties, leading figures from all the Churches, eminent writers, leaders of the professions, lawyers, chiefs of industry and prominent trade-unionists are gathered here.
In fact a representative grouping of the most essential elements in the political, industrial, cultural and spiritual life of Europe is now assembled in this ancient hall. And although everyone has been invited in his individual capacity, nevertheless this Congress, and any conclusions it may reach, may fairly claim to be the voice of Europe.
It is time indeed that that voice should be raised upon the scene of chaos and prostration, caused by the wrongs and hatreds of the past, and amid the dangers which lie about us in the present and cloud the future.
We shall only save ourselves from the perils which draw near by forgetting the hatreds of the past, by letting national rancours and revenges die, by progressively effacing frontiers and barriers which aggravate and congeal our divisions, and by rejoicing together in that glorious treasure of literature, of romance, of ethics, of thought and toleration belonging to all, which is the true inheritance of Europe, the expression of its genius and honour, but which by our quarrels, our follies, by our fearful wars and the cruel and awful deeds that spring from war and tyrants, we have almost cast away.
It is indeed fitting that this first Congress of Europe should meet in Holland, which, with her neighbours of the Benelux group, is already leading the way by her example, and for whose hospitality and countenance we express our gratitude.
And may I here say with what especial significance and warmth we greet the presence here of Princess Juliana and Prince Bernhardt who gave so graciously come to join us in our opening session. Indeed Benelux, that happy novel term, is at once a model and a pioneer for our immediate advance.
The Movement for European Unity must be a positive force, deriving its strength from our sense of common spiritual values. It is a dynamic expression of democratic faith based upon moral conceptions and inspired by a sense of mission.
In the centre of our movement stands the idea of a Charter of Human Rights, guarded by freedom and sustained by law. It is impossible to separate economics and defence from the general political structure. Mutual aid in the economic field and joint military defence must inevitably be accompanied step by step with a parallel policy of closer political unity. It is said with truth that this involves some sacrifice or merger of national sovereignty.
But it is also possible and not less agreeable to regard it as the gradual assumption by all the nations concerned of that larger sovereignty which can alone protect their diverse and distinctive customs and characteristics and their national traditions all of which under totalitarian systems, whether Nazi, Fascist, or Communist, would certainly be blotted out for ever.
Some time ago I stated that it was the proud mission of the victor nations to take the Germans by the hand and lead them back into the European family, and I rejoice that some of the most eminent and powerful Frenchmen have spoken in this sense.
To rebuild Europe from its ruins and make its light shine forth again upon the world, we must first of all conquer ourselves. It is in this way only that the sublime, with its marvellous transmutations of material things, can be brought into our daily life.
Europe requires all that Frenchmen, all that Germans, and all that every one of us can give.
I therefore welcome here the German delegation, whom we have invited into our midst. For us the German problem is to restore the economic life of Germany and revive the ancient fame of the German race without thereby exposing their neighbours and ourselves to any rebuilding or reassertion of their military power of which we still bear the scars.
United Europe provides the only solution to this two-sided problem and is also a solution which can be implemented without delay.
It is necessary for the executive governments of the sixteen countries, associated for the purposes of the Marshall Plan, to make precise arrangements. These can apply present only to what is called Western Europe.
In this we wish them well and will give them all loyal support; but our aim here is not confined to Western Europe.
We seek nothing less than all Europe.
Distinguished exiles from Czechoslovakia, and most all the Eastern European nations, and also from Spain, are present among us.
We aim at the eventual participation of all European peoples whose society and way of life, making all allowances for the different points of view in various countries, are not disaccord with a Charter of Human Rights and with the sincere expression of free democracy.
We welcome any country where the people own the Government, and not the Government the people. It is not the fault of those who are gathered here today, nor of the Governments involved in the Marshall Plan or in the Western Union, and least of all is it the fault of the United States, that the unity of Europe cannot be at present complete.
All the States of the East and South-East of Europe, except Greece, constrained to hold aloof from us and most of them are not allowed to express themselves by free democratic electoral processes.
We must aim at nothing less than the union of Europe as a whole, and we look forward with confidence to the day when that union will be achieved.
I was anxious at first lest the United States of America should view with hostility the idea of a United States of Europe.
But I rejoice that the great Republic in its era of world leadership has risen far above such moods. We must all be thankful as we sit here that the nation called to the summit of the world by its mass, its energies and its power, has not been found lacking in those qualities of greatness and nobility upon which the record of famous States depends.
Far from resenting the creation of United Europe, the American people welcome and ardently sustain the resurrection of hat was called the Old World, now found in full partnership with the New.
Nothing that we do or plan here conflicts with the paramount authority of a world organisation of the United Nations.
On the contrary I have always believed, as I dared in the war, that a Council of Europe was a subordinate but necessary part of the world organisation.
I thought at that time, when I had great responsibility, that there should be several regional councils, august but subordinate, that these should form the massive pillars upon which the world organisation would be founded in majesty and calm.
This was the direction in which my hopes and thought lay three or four years ago. To take an example from the military sphere, with which our hard experiences have made us all familiar, the design for world government might have followed the system of three or more groups of armies-in this case armies of peace-under one supreme headquarters.
Thus I saw the vast Soviet Union forming one of these groups. The Council of Europe, including Great Britain linked with her Empire and Commonwealth, would be another. Thirdly, there was the United States and her sister republics in the Western Hemisphere with all their great spheres of interest and influence.
In the mind picture which it was possible to form as victory in the war became certain, there was the hope that each of these three splendid groupings of states and nations whose affairs of course would sometimes overlap, might have settled within themselves a great number of differences and difficulties, which are now dragged up to the supreme world organisation, and that far fewer, but also far more potent figures would represent them at the summit.
There was also the hope that they would meet not in an overcrowded Tower of Babel, but, as it were, upon a mountain top where all was cool and quiet and calm, and from which the wide vision of the world would be presented with all things in their due proportion. As the poet Blake wrote:
Above Time's troubled fountains
On the great Atlantic mountains
In my golden house on high.
On the great Atlantic mountains
In my golden house on high.
To some extent events have moved in this direction, but not in the spirit or the shape that was needed. The western hemisphere already presents itself as a unit.
Here at The Hague we are met to help our various Governments to create the new Europe. But we are all grieved and perplexed and imperilled by the discordant attitude and policy of the third great and equal partner, without whose active aid the world organisation cannot function, nor the shadow of war be lifted from the hearts and minds of men and nations.
We must do our best to create and combine the great regional unities which it is in our power to influence, and we must endeavour by patient and faithful service, to prepare for the day when there will be an effective world government resting upon the main groupings of mankind.
Thus for us and for all who share our civilisation and our desire for peace and world government, there is only one duty and watchword: Persevere. That is the command which should rule us at this Congress.
Persevere along all the main lines that have been made clear and imprinted upon us by the bitter experiences through which we have passed. Persevere towards those objectives which are lighted for us by all the wisdom and inspiration of the past.
I have the feeling that after the second Thirty Years' War, for that is what it is, through which we have just passed, mankind needs and seeks a period of rest.
After all, how little it is that the millions of homes in Europe represented here today are asking.
What is it that all these wage-earners, skilled artisans, soldiers and tillers of the soil require, deserve, and may be led to demand? Is it not a fair chance to make a home, to reap the fruits of their toil, to cherish their wives, to bring up their children in a decent manner and to dwell in peace and safety, without fear or bullying or monstrous burdens or exploitations, however this may be imposed upon them? That is their heart's desire. That is what we mean to win for them.
President Roosevelt spoke of the Four Freedoms, but the one that matters most today is Freedom from Fear.
Why should all these hardworking families be harassed, first in bygone times, by dynastic and religious quarrels, next by nationalistic ambitions, and finally by ideological fanaticism? Why should they now have to be regimented and hurled against each other by variously labelled forms of totalitarian tyranny, all fomented by wicked men, building their own predominance upon the misery and the subjugation of their fellow human beings?
Why should so many millions of humble homes in Europe, aye, and much of its enlightenment and culture, sit quaking in dread of the policeman's knock? That is the question we have to answer here. That is the question which perhaps we have the power to answer here.
After all, Europe has only to arise and stand in her own majesty, faithfulness and virtue, to confront all forms of tyranny, ancient or modern, Nazi or Communist, with forces which are unconquerable, and which if asserted in good time may never be challenged again.
I take a proud view of this Congress.
We cannot rest upon benevolent platitudes and generalities. Our powers may be limited but we know and we must affirm what we mean and what we want. On the other hand it would not be wise in this critical time to be drawn into laboured attempts to draw rigid structures of constitutions.
That is a later stage, and it is one in which the leadership must be taken by the ruling governments in response no doubt to our impulse, and in many cases to their own conceptions.
We are here to lay the foundations upon which the statesmen of the western democracies may stand, and to create an atmosphere favourable to the decisions to which they may be led. It is not for us who do not wield the authority of Governments to confront each other or the world with sharply-cut formulas or detailed arrangements.
There are many different points of view which have to find their focus.
We in Britain must move in harmony with our great partners in the Commonwealth, who, I do not doubt, though separated from us by the ocean spaces, share our aspirations and follow with deep attention our trend of thought.
But undue precipitancy, like too much refinement, would hinder and not help the immediate mission we have to fulfil. Nevertheless we must not separate without a positive step forward. The task before us at this Congress is not only to raise the voice of United Europe during these few days we are together. We must here and now resolve that in one form or another a European Assembly shall be constituted which will enable that voice to make itself continuously heard and we trust with ever-growing acceptance through all the free countries of this Continent.
A high and a solemn responsibility rests upon us here this afternoon in this Congress of a Europe striving to be reborn. If we allow ourselves to be rent and disordered by pettiness and small disputes, if we fail in clarity of view or courage in action, a priceless occasion may be cast away for ever. But if we all pull together and pool the luck and the comradeship - and we shall need all the comradeship and not a little luck if we are to move together in this way - and firmly grasp the larger hopes of humanity, then it may be that we shall move into a happier sunlit age, when all the little children who are now growing up in this tormented world may find themselves not the victors nor the vanquished in the fleeting triumphs of one country over another in the bloody turmoil of destructive war, but the heirs of all the treasures of the past and the masters of all the science, the abundance and the glories of the future.
LIST OF THE PARTICIPANTS OF THE CONGRESS OF EUROPE
MAY 7-11th 1948
President of Honour: Winston S. Churchill
Chairman of the Political Committee: Paul Ramadier
Chairman of the Economic and Social Committee: Paul van Zeeland
Chairman of the Cultural Committee: Salvador de Madariaga
Chairman of the Dutch Reception Committee: Pieter A. Kerstens
Chairman of the Joint International Committee of Movements for European Unity: Duncan Sandys
Honorary Secretary-General of the Joint International Committee of Movements for European Unity:
Joseph H. Retinger
Ludwig, Dr., Eduard Member of the National Council, Professor of History at the University of Vienna.
Pernter, Dr., Member of the National Council, former Minister of Education.
Kapsreiter, Member of the National Council.
Maurer, Hans, Member of the National Council, (Agrarian)
Gschnitzer, Dr. Frans, Rector of the University of Innsbruck.
Rupp, Josef, Member of the National Council (Agrarian).
Geislinger, Ferdinand, Member of the National Council.
Eckert, Fritz, Secretary General of the Economic Council.
Balder, Franz, Industrialist.
Hack, Jozef, Industrialist.
Goldebrand, Otto, Merchant.
Baugniet, M., Recteur de l'Universitй Libre de Bruxelles.
Blanquaert, M., Professeur а l'Universitй de Gand.
Boeynants, M, van den, Prйsident de l'Association des Commerзants et Artisans.
Bufkin des Essarts, Dir. Red. en Chef du Journ. de Charl.
Camu, L., Industriel.
Ciselet, G., Sйnateur.
Clemens, M. R., Professeur а l'Universitй de Liиge.
Colle, Alphonse, Directeur du Syndicat Liberal de Belgique.
Cool, Aug., Prйsident du Syndicat Chrйtien.
Coppe, A., Dйputй.
Cornil, Secr. Gen. Adm. Del. de la Fed. des Ind. Belges.
Craenenbroeck, J. B. van.
Delattre, Jacques, Ingйnieur, secrйtaire du Comitй de la L.I.CE.
Dellaere Rd. Pиre,
Desmedt, R., Ancien ministre, Sйnateur.
Drapier, J. M., Chef de Cabinet adjoint du Premier Ministre.
Dupriez, Lйon, Professeur а l'Universitй de Louvain.
Engels, Octave, Vice-Prйsident der Vlaamsch Economiek Verbond.
Est, M. van der, Prйsident de la Fйdйration des Industries Belges.
Finet, M., Secrйtaire Gйnйral de la Fйdйration gйnйrale du Travail de Belgique.
Fredericq, Prof, а l'Univ. d. Cand.
Ghinst, P. van der, Professeur а l'Universitй de Bruxelles.
Gilson, A., Dйputй.
Gillon, R., Sйnateur, Ancien Prйsident du Sйnat.
Glanssdorf, M., Professeur а l'Universitй de Bruxelles.
Glaser, Stefan Prof. Ir. (Polonais), Fondateur de l'Association Internationale des Universitaires, Prof, а
l'Universitй de Liиge.
Greeff, E. de, Professeur а l'Universitй de Louvain.
Harmel, M., Vice Prйsident des Associations des Patrons et Ingйnieurs Catholiques de Belgique.
Helsboecht, van, Directeur au Ministиre des Affaires Economiques.
Herbert, Tony, Industriel.
Heyman, H. Ministre d'Etat.
Hoorens, A., Prйsident du Comitй Belge de la L.LC.E. pour la Flandre Orientale.
Hoste, Julius, Ancien Ministre.
Houtte, M. J. van, Professeur а l'Universitй de Liиge et Gand.
Janssen, A. E., Ane. Min.
Lamalle, Vice Prиs, des Nouv. Equip. Int. Chвteau de Lamalle, Bas-Oha.
Lambert, M-, Professeur а l'Universitй de Liиge.
Lambillote, Dir. Gen.
Lambotte, H., Dйputй.
De Lantsheer, Prиs, de la Cham, de Comm. Bruxelles.
Lefebvre, R., Dйputй.
Lespes, M. J., Professeur а l'Universitй de Bruxelles.
Lohest, A., Prйsident du Mouvement Belge des E.V.E.
Loo, van, Echevin des Finances.
Machtens, M., Sйnateur Bourgmestre de Molenbeek.
Masoin, ConseilleDocteur syndicaliste.
Meerts, Louis, Docteur syndicaliste.
Moreau de Melen, H., Sйnateur.
Nyon, M., Directeur des Ecoles Socialistes Ouvriиres.
Overbeeke, M. J, van, Professeur а l'Universitй de Gand.
Potter, de, Ingйnieur.
Rayemacker, M., Secrйtaire Gйnйral de la Fйdйration des Chambres de Commerce.
Segers, Paul W., Echevin du Port d'Anvers.
Seyl, M., Directeur de l'Agence Belga.
Vallйe-Poussin, Йtienne de la, Sйnateur.
Van de Putte, Melle.
Verleye, Rйvйrend Pиre.
Welter, E. M., Fed. Nat. des Classes, Moyennes.
Wesemael van, Prйsident de l'Union Ch. Textile.
Willems, Dir. de la Fond. Universitй
Zeeland, Paul van, Prйsident International de la L.I.C.E.
Zeghers, Octave, Secrйtaire du Vlaamsch Economiek Verbond.
Amby, The Rev. Kristen (M. P.).
Begtrup, Bodil, Mrs., President of National Council of Danish Women, cand. polit.
Blicher, Kaj., President of the Provincial Merchant Guild.
Bцgholm, K., Former Vice-President of European Parliamentary Union.
Damgaard-Nielsen, Gunnar, Headmaster of Ryslinge Folk-Highschool.
Falk-Hansen, Aage, Secretary, Editor.
Fasting, Hans, Director.
Frandsen, Johs., Director of Public Hygiene, Dr med. (M. P.).
Hammerich, L. L., Professor, Dr phil.
Harhoff, Chr. Shipowner.
Hartz, G., Former Director of Federation of Danish Industries.
Hauch, H., Former Minister, President of Danish Chamber of Agriculture (M. P.).
Hjermind, Poul., Barrister.
Hшgsbro Holm, Arne, Secretary General of Danish Chamber of Agriculture.
Jacobsen, Frode, Former Minister (M. P.).
Jensen, Henry L. W., Senator, Wholesale Merchant (M. P.).
Jernert, C. V., Director cand. polit.
Kampmann, Per, Civil-Engineer.
Kraft, Ole Bjшrn, Former Minister of Defence (M. P.).
Kristensen, Axel, Former Minister of Supply (M. P.).
Kristensen, Knud, Former Prime Minister (M. P.).
Kristensen, Thorkil, Former Minister of Finance (M. P.).
Lauming, Hermod., Barrister.
Munch- Petersen, Erwin, Professor Dr jur.
Mшller, A. P., Shipowner.
Nielsen, Chr., Public School Headmaster.
Nшrlund, Poul., Director of the Danish National Museum, Dr phil.
Raffenberg, M. Fьrst, Secretary-General of the Merchants' Guild.
Starcke, Viggo, Chief Physician, Dr med. (M. P.).
Svanholm, Th. Adler, Director.
Thaulow, A., President of the Merchants' Guild.
Butler, Eleanor, T. C. M. R. I. A. I., Senator.
Douglas, James G., Senator.
Hannon, Gordon, Archdeacon, Rathmore.
Tierney, Michel M. A., Professor; President University College.
Thompson, Frederick M. P.
Aguesse, Georges, Conseiller de la Rйpublique.
Allais, Maurice, Professeur d'Economie Gйnйrale а l'Ecole Nationale des Mines.
Alric, Conseiller de la Rйpublique.
Andre, Jean Louis, Membre du Conseil Economique, Artisan.
Arnaud, Renй, Comitй National Franзais de la Chambre de Commerce Internationale.
Aron, Raymond, Docteur es Lettres, Journaliste, Economiste.
Aron, Robert, Ecrivain federaliste.
Armengaud, Conseiller de la Rйpublique, Prйsident de la Commission des Affaires Economiques.
Armengaud, Conseiller de la Rйpublique, Prйsident de la Commission des Affaires Economiques.
Aroud, Guy, Vice-Prйsident de l'Association pour l'Etude des Problиmes Internationaux de la Reconstruction.
Augarde, Sous Secrйtaire d'Etat aux Affaires musulmanes, Dйputй.
Augarde, Sous Secrйtaire d'Etat aux Affaires musulmanes, Dйputй.
Azemar de Fabrиgues, Rйdacteur en chef de « La France Catholique ».
Baranger, Dйputй, Prйsident de la Commission des Finances.
Bareth, Jean, Instituteur C.G.T.F.O.
Bardet, Gaston, Urbaniste.
Barre, Henri, Conseiller de la Rйpublique.
Bassot, Jacques, Prйsident Associations Familiales de la Seine, Prйsident de la Federation.
Bastid, Paul, Ancien Ministre, Membre de l'Institut.
Beaupin, Monseigneur, Recteur de l'Institut catholique.
Berveiller, Michel, Secrйtaire Gйnйral Adjoint de l'Union Europйenne des Fйdйralistes.
Bartholin, Pierre, Trйsorier de la Confйdйration Gйnйrale des Cadres.
Basin de Jouy, Secrйtaire des Associations familiales de la Seine.
Betolaud, Robert, Dйputй de Paris.
Bichet, Robert, Dйputй, Prйsident des Nouvelles Equipes Internationales, Ancien Ministre.
Bienaimй, Robert, Prйsident du Comitй d'Action Economique et douaniиre, Prйsident d'Honneur du Syndicat
de la Parfumerie Franзaise.
Binot, Jean, Dйputй.
Bonnefous, Edouard, Dйputй, Prйsident de la Commission des Affaires Etrangиres de l'Assemblйe Nationale.
Borel, Emile, Membre de l'Institut.
Bouchayer, Jacques, Industriel.
Bouladoux, Maurice, Secrйtaire Adjoint de La CFTC.
Bourdan, Pierre, Dйputй, Ancien Ministre.
Bourgin, Georges, Professeur а la Sorbonne.
Boutelleau, Gйrard, Journaliste.
Branger, Jacques, Directeur Gйnйral de la Caisse des Marchйs de l'Etat.
Bret, Paul, Directeur de l'Agence France Presse.
Brossolette (Mme Gilberte), Dйputй de la Seine, Vice-Prйsidente du Conseil de la Rйpublique.
Brusset, Max, Dйputй.
Buron, Robert, Dйputй.
Busnel, Dr., Secrйtaire Gйnйral de « France Hollande ».
Cangardel, Henri, Ancien Prйsident de la Compagnie Gйnйrale Transatlantique.
Capitant, Renй, Dйputй, ancien Ministre, Professeur des Facultйs de Droit.
Carcassone, Conseiller de la Rйpublique.
Castel, du, Prйsident de la Sociйtй Miniиre de Mйtallurgique de Penarroya.
Catoire, Jules, Dйputй.
Chaban Delmas, Dйputй, Maire de Bordeaux.
Champin, Pierre, Industriel.
Charriиre, Henry, Prйsident de la Confйrence Gйnйrale des Caisses d'Epargnes.
Chastenet, Jacques, Membre de l'Institut.
Chevaline, Lйon, Secrйtaire Gйnйral de la Fйdйration des mйtaux.
Chevrot (Monseigneur), Curй de St. Franзois Xavier, Membre de l'Institut.
Courant, Pierre, Depute, Maire du Havre.
Courtin, Rene, Delegue General du Conseil Francais pour l'Europe Unie, Professeur а la Facultй de Droit de Paris.
Daladier, Edouard, Dйputй, Ancien Prйsident du Conseil.
Dary, E. Avocat a la cour.
Dautry, Raoul, Ancien Ministre. Commissaire а l'Energie atomique.
Davezac, Henri, Vice Prйsident Dйlйguй du Syndicat Gйnйral de la Construction Electrique.
Delmont, Henri, Prйsident de l'Union des Jeunes Avocats.
Denis, Robert, Secretaire General de l'Association des Cadres et Techniciens Sociaux.
Desson, Guy, Depute.
Domec, Secretaire de la Fйdйration de la C.G.T. F.O.
Doublet, Jacques, Directeur de Cabinet du Secrйtariat d'Etat а la Prйsidence du Conseil.
Ducros, Jean, Prйsident de la Confйdйration Gйnйrale des Cadres.
Durand-Rй ville, Conseiller de la Rйpublique.
Etienne, Renй, Prйsident d'Honneur de la Fйdйration des Syndicats patronaux, de la Bonnetterie.
Etevenon, Directeur de l'Economie contemporaine.
Faure, Edgar, Dйputй du Jura, Avocat а la Cour d'Appel de Paris.
Felgines, Marcel, Militant C.G.T.F.O.
Fortelle, Robert de la, Directeur au Crйdit Lyonnais.
Fould, Renй, Prйsident du Syndicat des Constructeurs de navires.
Franзois-Poncet, Andrй, Ambassadeur de France.
Galutier, Paul, Membre de l'Institut (Acadйmie des Sciences Morales et Politiques).
Gerard-Kumleben, F., Syndicaliste.
Gilbert, Paul, Prйsident Association Nationale d'Expansion Economique.
Gilson, Etienne, de l'Acadйmie Franзaise, Conseiller de la Rйpublique.
Giscard d'Estaing, Edmond, Prйsident du Comitй Indochinois de la Chambre de Commerce internationale.
Gorce, Georges, Dйputй, Ancien sous secrйtaire d'Etat.
Goulven, Mazeas, Agriculteur.
Gouzy, Jean, Journaliste.
Gozard, Gilles, Dйputй de l'Allier.
De La Grange, Baron Amaury, Prйsident de l'Aйro Club de France.
Guelf, Roger, Secrйtaire de la Fйdйration des Travaux Publics C.G.T. F.O.
Jarraud de Verague.
Jerram, Guy, Fйdйration ouvriиre et paysanne des Anciens Combattants
Hely d'Oissel, Baron Pierre, Prйsident de la Cie de St. Gobain.
Hytte, C. H., Directeur Gйnйral de la Rйpublique Moderne.
Mme Jean Imbert, Fйdйration nationale des Femmes.
Jousselin, Membre de l'Assemblйe de l'Union Franзaise.
Juliot de la Morandiere, Doyen de la Facultй de Droit de Paris, Membre de l'Institut.
Kellerson, Germaine, Prйsidente de l'Alliance Fйdйraliste des Femmes pour la Paix.
Lacour-Gayet, Jacques, Membre de l'Institut, Prйsident du Centre d'Etudes du Commerce.
Lafond, Secrйtaire Gйnйral de la Fйdйration des Cheminots. F. O.
Lambert, Didier, Journaliste.
Landowski, Paul, Statuaire, Membre de l'Acadйmie des Beaux Arts.
Laniel, Dйputй, Ancien Ministre.
Lapeyre, Roger, C.G.T.F.O.
Lapie, P. O., Dйputй, ancien Ministre.
Lavergne, Bernard, Economiste.
Le Bec, Jean, Prйsident du Comptoir Lyon-Allemand.
Lйautй, Andrй, Professeur de l'Ecole Polytechnique.
Lebourre, Raymond, Ancien Secrйtaire de la Fйdйration des Spectacles.
Le Brun Keris, Membre de l'Assemblйe de l'Union Franзaise.
Leenhardt, Dйputй, Prйsident de la Commission des Affaires Economiques.
Le Henaff, Docteur.
Mme Lefaucheux, Membre de l'Assemblйe de l'Union franзaise.
Lemaignen, Robert, Prйsident du Comitй de l'Afrique Franзaise.
Lente, Jacques, Industriel.
Lepeu, Henri, Dйlйguй de la Fйdйration du Bвtiment.
Letourneau, Jean, Dйputй, Ancien Ministre.
Lhuillier, Renй, militant C.G.T.F.O.
Lipkowski, Mme de, H., Vice-Prйsidente de la Fйdйration des dйportйs et internйs. Luc, Madame, Secrйtaire
Gйnйrale de la Fйdйration Nationale des Femmes. Assistante Sociale.
Lussan, Avocat а la Cour. Marc, Alexandre, Directeur du Dйpartement Institutionnel de l'Union Europйenne
Maroger, Jean, Industriel.
Marhot, Paul, Avocat Conseil — C.G.T.F.O.
Mathй, Jean, C.G.T.F.O.
de Menthon, Franзois, Dйputй, Ancien Ministre. Michalon, Jacques.
Michelet, Edmond, Dйputй de la Corrиze, Ancien Ministre.
Minjoz, Jean, Dйputй, Ancien Ministre.
Mitterrand, Franзois, Ministre des Anciens Combattants. Mondon, Dйputй, Maire de Metz.
Monnier, Andrй, Ancien Prйfet.
Monnier, Christian, Trйsorier du Conseil Franзais, pour l'Europe Unie.
Moreau-Neret, Olivier, Membre de l'Institut, Directeur du Crйdit Lyonnais.
Morgaut, Marc Edmond, Comitй Directeur des Amitiйs Europйennes.
Motte, Bertrand, Industriel.
Mourges, Camille, C.G.T.F.O.
Mutter, Andrй, Dйputй. Naudin, Paul, Prйsident de la Chambre de Commerce France Amйrique Latine,
Directeur Gйnйral du C.A.E.D.
de Nervo, Franзois, Banquier.
Noel, Andrй, Dйputй du Puy de Dфme.
Noetzlin, Jacques, Attachй au Commissariat de l'Energie Atomique.
Orion, Maire de Nantes.
d’Ormesson, Marquis Andrй, Ambassadeur de France.
Pasteur Finet, Directeur de Reforme.
Patri, Aimй, Ecrivain Socialiste.
Perret, Auguste, Prйsident du Conseil Supйrieur de l'ordre des
Architectes Membre de l'Acadйmie des Beaux Arts.
Perrin, Prйsident de l'Association des Cadres Dirigeants.
Peyroles, Germaine, Vice-Prйsidente de L'Assemblйe Nationale, Dйputй de la Seine et Oise.
Polonowski, Michel, Professeur, Membre de l'Acadйmie de Mйdecine.
Ramadier, Paul, Ancien Prйsident du Conseil, Dйputй de l'Aveyron
Reynaud, Paul, Ancien Prйsident du Conseil, Dйputй du Nord.
Richet, Charles, Professeur, Membre de l'Acadйmie de Mйdecine.
Rincent, Germain, Dйputй de la Seine-Infйrieure, Professeur au Collиge Moderne du Havre.
Rochereau, Henri, Conseiller de la Rйpublique de la Vendйe.
Roure, Rйmy, Editorialiste du Monde.
Rouville, Guy de, Industriel.
Rueff, Jacques, Prйsident de l'Agence Interalliйe des Rйparations, Membre de l'Institut.
Said Mohammed Cheik, Dйputй.
de Sainte Lorette, Directeur du Collиge Libre des Sciences Sociales et Economiques.
Salleron, L., Sociologue.
Saunier, Mme Claire, Conseiller de la Rйpublique, Prйsidente de la Commission de l'Education nationale.
Saurin, H., Prйsident de l'Acadйmie des Sciences coloniales.
Scelle, G., Professeur а la Facultй de Droit.
Schumann, Maurice, Dйputй du Nord, Prйsident du M.R.P.
Segogne, Henry de, Ancien Commissaire au Tourisme.
Seillieres, Baron Jean, Banquier.
Serruys, Daniel, Ancien Prйsident du Conseil Economique de la S.D.N., Prйsident de la Section Franзaise de
la Ligue Indйpendante de Coopйration Europйenne.
Sicй, A., Mйdecin Gйnйral, Ancien Prйsident de la Croix Rouge Franзaise.
Simon Philippe, Prйsident de l'Association des Commissaires au Comptes.
Simon, P. A., vice-Prйsident des Amitiйs europйennes.
de Suzannet, Comtesse Jean.
Teitgen, P. H., Ministre des Forces Armйes.
Temple, Emmanuel, Dйputй de l'Aveyron, Ancien Prйfet d'Alger.
Terrenoire, Louis, Dйputй de l'Orne.
Tessier, Gaston, Secrйtaire Gйnйral de la Confйdйration des Travailleurs Chrйtiens.
Tezenas, Lйon, Industriel Pйtroles.
Thomas, Renй, Industriel.
Triboulet, Raymond, Dйputй du Calvados.
Trinquier, Mlle, Conseiller de la Rйpublique.
Truchy, Henry. Membre de l’Institut.
Vergnolle, Ancien Prйsident du Conseil Municipal de Paris, Architecte.
Vautrot, Henri-Voisin, Andrй, Secrйtaire Gйnйral de la Fйdйration.
Wack, Directeur Gйnйral de la revue « Occident ».
Braun, Dr Heinz, Ministre de la Justice.
Hector, Edgar, Secrйtaire d'Etat.
Hoffmann, Johannes, Prйsident du Conseil des Ministres,
Kirn, Richard, Ministre du Travail et de la Prйvoyance.
Muller, Erwin, Avocat.
Adenauer, Dr. Konrad, President of the Christian Democratic Union.
Amelunxen, Dr., Minister of Social Welfare, North Rhine Westphalia.
Arnold, Dr., Prime Minister of North Rhine Westphalia.
Betzold, Chief Justice (Oberlandsgerichtsrat) Munich.
Bergatzki, (Baden-Baden) French, Zone.
Blumenfeld, Erik, Industrialist, Hamburg.
Brandes, Dr., Representative of the Evangelical Church, Hamburg.
Brentano, von, Frankfurt.
Cillien, Oberkirchenrat, Hannover.
Dehler, Dr., (Chief Justice) Bamberg, M.P. (Lib. Dem.).
Dietz, von, (Professor of Jurisprudence) Freiburg.
Franke, Frau, Member of the Dusseldorf Parliament (C.D.U.)
Friecke, Pastor Evang. church, Frankfurt.
Friese-Korn, Frail, Member of Parliament (F.D.P.) Siegen.
Gallen, Graf von, Member of the Parliament of Hanover (D.P.)
Gertler, Dr., Member of the Parliament of Hanover (Centrum).
Grewe, Professor of the Faculty of Law, (Freiburg).
Harmssen, Gustav, Wilhelm, Senator (Bremen).
Hasemann, Dr., Regional Chairman of the European Union for Lower Saxony.
Hallstein, Professor, Rector of the University of Frankfort.
Heile, Dr. Professor, Newspaper Editor, Hamburg.
Heinemann, Dr., Minister of Justice, North Rhine Westphalia.
Hellwege, Heinrich, President of the Deutsche Partei.
Hermes, Wilhelm, President of the Europa Union in Germany (Mьnchen-Gladbach).
Hilkmann, Professor of Philosophy, University of Mainz.
Hoffmann, Lord Mayor of Freiburg.
Joestingmeyer, Dr. Lawyer, Munster.
Keil, President of the Parliament Wuertemberg-Baden (S.P.D.).
Kroll, Dr., Secretary to the Prime Minister of North Rhine Westphalia.
Lacherbauer, Dr., Under Secretary of State, Munich.
Leibbrand, Under Secretary of State, South-Baden French Zone
Mueller, Rudolf, Lawyer, Frankfurt.
Oehlert, Fran Dr. Lawyer.
Petersen, Dr., Former, Lord Mayor of Hamburg (C.D.U.).
Platow, Journalist, (Hamburg).
Pfad, Dr., Lawyer (Hannover) C.D.U.
Pfeiffer, Dr., Minister of State, Munich.
Prittwitz und Gaffron von, Former Ambassador, (C.D.U.) Munich.
Reatz, Dr. Professor, Prelate, Rector of the University of Mainz.
Reismann, Dr., Duesseldorf (C.D.U.).
Schroeter, Member of Parliament for Schleswig-Holstein.
Schlapper, Dr., Chief Justice, Bade-Baden.
Schwalbe, Dr., Undersecretary of State.
Seebohm, Dr. Hans Christoph, Minister of Labour, Reconstruction and Public Health (Lower Saxony).
Spiecker, Dr., Minister without Portfolio, (Centrum) North Rhine Westphalia.
Stocky, Former Konsul, Cologne.
Stempel, Dr. from Speyer.
Teusch, Christine, Minister of Education, North Rhine Westphalia.
Wirths, Dr. Carl, (Wupperthal).
Zinnkann, Minister of Justice, Hessen.
Amery, Rt Hon. L. S., Former Minister (Conservative) Vice Chairman of United Europe Movement.
Amery, Mr. Julian, Author and Former Member of Parliament.
Anderson, Mr. A., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Anderson, Sir Alan, Shipowner.
Anderson, Rt Hon. Sir John, Member of Parliament (Independent); Chairman of Port of London Authority;
Former Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Adler, Mr. Ota, Member of Executive of Federal Union.
Ashby, Mrs Corbett, President, British Common Wealth League.
Harrington, Mr. J. Harcourt, Legal Expert.
Bartlett, Mr. Vernon, Member of Parliament (Independent); Broadcaster and writer on International Affairs.
Beaver, Sir Hugh, Managing Director of Guinness Brewery; former Controller-General, Ministry of Works.
Beddington Behrens, Major E., Economist and Company Director.
Beech, Mr. Dick, Journalist. Managing Editor of the Ludgate Press.
Bennet, Air Vice-Marshal D., Chairman of the United Nations' Association; former Commander of
Berrill, Mr. Leslie W., Chairman of the Rotary International (London).
Beyfus, Mr. G. H., Barrister; King's Counsel.
Blyde, Miss M. K., Former Matron, King's College Hospital.
Bonham-Carter, Lady Violet, Former President and Member of Executive of Liberal Party. Vice-Chairman
of United Europe Movement.
Boult, Sir Adrian, Doctor of Music; Conductor of B.B.C. Symphony Orchestra.
Butler, Sir Harold, Former Director of International Labour Office.
Calvocoressi, Mr. Peter, Representative of the Liberal International.
Cameron, Mr. M. A., Assistant Secretary to the British Transport Commission.
Catlin, Professor George, Lecturer. Member of Executive of Nouvelles Equipes Internationales.
Chambers, Mr. S. P., Director of Imperial Chemical Industries; Former Chief, Finance Division, Control
Cheshire, Group Captain, V. C, Former Bomber Pilot. Joint Staff Mission, Washington, 1945.
Churchill, Rt Hon. Winston, Honorary President of the Congress.
Cohen, Sir Robert Waley, Managing Director of Shell Transport & Trading Co.
Collins, Rev. John, Dean of Oriel College, Oxford.
Collins, Mr. Victor, Member of Parliament (Labour) Hon. Treasurer of Federal Union.
Cooper, Wing Commander G., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Cowan, Miss M. G., Former President National Council of Women.
Crocker, Mr. W. C, Legal Expert.
Curtis, Mr. Lionel, Author and Lecturer.
Dacey, Mr. Manning, Economist.
Debenham, Mr. Piers, Economist.
De La Bere, Mr. R., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Delargy, Mr. Hugh, Member of Parliament (Labour) Journalist.
Dott, Mrs. Mary C, Secretary of the Scottish National Party.
Eccles, Mr. David, Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Eden, Rt Hon. Anthony, Member of Parliament (Conservative) Former Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Elliot, Rt Hon. Walter, Member of Parliament (Conservative) Former Minister.
Evans, Mr. Edward, Member of Parliament (Labour).
Evans, Mr. B. Ifor, Former Vice-Chancellor, University of Wales, Principal of one of the London University
Fleming, Mr. Peter, Author and Explorer.
Fraser, Mr. Hugh, Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Gillett, Mrs., Member of Executive of Federal Union.
Grant, Lady, Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Grove, Mr. Jack, University Student; Member of Federal Union.
Hale, Mr. Leslie, Member of Parliament (Labour).
Hamilton, Lt. Col. R., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Harrod, Mr. Roy Forbes, Economist and Author.
Hawtrey, Mr. R. J., Economist; President of Royal Institute of International Affairs.
Hay, Mr. John, Chairman of Young Conservative Organisation.
Harvey, Air Commodore Vere, Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Hewitson, Mr. M., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Hirst, Mr. David, University Student.
Hopkinson, Mr. Henry, Former Minister in Diplomatic Service.
Hore-Belisha, Rt. Hon Leslie, Former Minister.
Hubback, Mrs. Eva, Principal of Morley College; Member of London County Council.
Hulbert, Wing Commander N. J., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Hunkin, Rt. Rev. J. W., Bishop of Truro (Church of England).
Hutchison, Col. J. R. H., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Hynd, Alderman H., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Jones, Major P. Asterley, Member of Parliament (Labour).
Jones, Sir Roderick, Former Chairman of Reuters News Agency.
Josephy, Miss F. L., Chairman of the European Committee of Federal Union. Member of Executive,
European Union of Federalists.
Judd, Mr. C, W., Secretary of the United Nations Association.
Keeling, Mr. E. H., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Kendall, Mr. W. Dennis, Member of Parliament (Independent).
Kerr, Mr. Hamilton, Former Minister; Member of Executive of United Nations' Association.
Killby, Mr. Keith, Secretary of Federal Union.
King, Professor The Rev, J., Professor of Psychology.
Kinh-Hall, Commander Stephen, Representative of Federal Union. Broadcaster and Writer. President of the
Lang, Rev. Gordon, Member of Parliament (Labour). Joint Honorary Secretary of United Europe
Movement. Chairman of Executive of Federal Union.
Law, Rt. Hon. Richard, Member of Parliament (Conservative); Former Minister.
Layton, Lord, Chairman of the Liberal Newspaper, “News Chronicle”.
Layton, Lady, President, Womens’ Liberal Federation.
Lindsay, Mr. Kenneth, Member of Parliament (Independent).
Lloyd George, Rt. Hon. Gwilym, Member of Parliament (Liberal); Former Minister.
Loveday, Mr, Alexander, Economist. Late Director of the Economic and Financial Department of the
League of Nations.
Maas, Mr. Henry, University Student.
Mc Allister, Mr. Gilbert, Member of Parliament (Labour).
Macadam, Mr. Ivison S., Director General, Royal Institute of International Affairs.
Mackay, Mr. R. W. G., Member of Parliament (Labour); Chairman of European Parliamentary Union
Macmillan, Rt, Hon. Harold, Member of Parliament (Conservative) Former Minister.
McNair, Mr, John, General and Political Secretary of the Independent Labour Party.
Macpherson, Major Niall, Member of Parliament (Liberal National).
MacDonald, Sir Peter, Member of Parliament (Conservative); Vice-Chairman (British Group) European
Manningham-Buller, Major R. E., Member of Parliament (Conservative); Barrister; Former Minister.
Masefield, Mr. John, Poet Laureate.
Maxse, Miss Marjorie, Member of Council of United Nations' Association. Vice-Chairman of the
Maxwell Fyfe, Rt. Hon. Sir David, Member of Parliament (Conservative); Barrister; Prosecutor at
Nuremberg War Crime Trials; former Attorney-General.
Millington, W/Cdr. E. R., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Moody, Mr, A. S., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Moran, Lord, President of the Royal College of Physicians.
Morgan, General Sir Frederick E., Former Chief of Staff to the Supreme Commander, Allied Expeditionary
Morgan, Mr, Charles, Author.
Morris, Mr. R. Hopkin, Member of Parliament (Liberal); Barrister.
Munnings, Sir Alfred, President of the Royal Academy.
Murray, Professor Gilbert, Former Professor at Oxford University. Writer on Cultural Affairs; President of
United Nations Association.
Murray, Miss Janet, Scottish Representative of Federal Union.
Myers, Rt, Rev. Bishop, Catholic. Bishop of Westminster.
Nicholson, Mr. G., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Nixon, Sir Frank, Director of John Brown's Shipbuilding Co.
Nunburnholme, Lady, National Council of Women.
Paget, Mr. R. T., Member of Parliament (Labour) Barrister.
Parker, Mr. J., Member of Parliament (Labour) Former Minister. Member of Executive London Labour
Proctor, Mr, W. T., Member of Parliament (Labour) Trades Union Official.
Rackham, Miss Joyce, Representative of Conservative Youth.
Ranger, Mr. J., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Reader-Harris, Miss D., Educationalist; connected with Youth Work.
Richardson, Rev. J. M., Moderator of the Free Church Federal Council, 1947—48.
Roberts, Mr. Emrys, Member of Parliament (Liberal).
Roberts, Mr. P. G., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Roberts, Mr. Wilfred, Member of Parliament (Liberal).
Russel, Earl (Bertrand), Philosopher; Mathematician; Writer; Fellow of Royal Society.
Salter, Rt. Hon Sir Arthur, Member of Parliament (Independent); Former Minister.
Salter, Mr. Noel, University Student.
Sandys, Rt. Hon. Duncan, Chairman of Executive of International Committee of the Movements for
European Unity; Former Minister.
Savory, Professor D, L., Member of Parliament (Conservative), Northern Ireland.
Schwartz, Mr. C. L., Economist and Financial Journalist.
Scott-Elliot, Mr. W. T., Member of Parliament (Labour).
Segal, Dr. S., Member of Parliament (Labour) Dr. of Medicine.
Sewell, Mr- Gordon, Journalist and Author.
Shawcross, Mr. C. N., Member of Parliament (Labour) Barrister.
Shears, Mr. David, University Student.
Shelford, Mr. T. M., Barrister.
Sibthorp, Miss Mary M., Assistant Secretary, the New Commonwealth Society.
Smith, Mr. Norman, Member of Parliament (Labour). Lecturer and journalist.
Spearman, Mr. A. C. M., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Stewart, Mr. J. Henderson, Member of Parliament (Liberal National).
Stewart, Sir Malcolm, Chairman of Associated Portland Cement Manufacturers; Chairman of London Brick
Stokes, Mr. Richard, Member of Parliament (Labour) Chairman of Ransomes & Rapier Co.
Teeling, Mr. W., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Thomas, Mr. Ivor, Member of Parliament (Labour) Former Minister.
Thorneycroft, Mr. Peter, Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Turner, Mr. James, President of the National Farmer's Union.
Waddams, Rev. H. N., General Secretary of the Church of England Council of Foreign Relations.
Wadsworth, Mr. G., Member of Parliament (Liberal).
Ward, Group Captain The Hon G. R., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Wilcock, Group Captain C. A. B., Member of Parliament
Williams, Lieut. Commander Gerald W., Member of Parliament (Conservative).
Williams, Mr. Percy, National Secretary to the Independental Labour Party.
Williams, Lady Rhys, Author; Honorary Secretary of Economic Committee on European Unity.
Woodruff, Mr. Douglas, Editor of Catholic Journal “The Tablet”.
Finnur Jonsson, Former Social Minister.
Ago, Prof. Roberto, Professor of the University at Milan.
Apollonio, Prof. Mario, Professor of the University at Milan.
Astuto di Lucchesi, Don Riccardo, Former Colonial Governor, Hon. Secy. of the Rome Secretariat.
Baldacci, Dr. Gaetano, Journalist.
Barbieri, Mons. Prof. Pietro, Journalist, Editor of “Idea”.
Benedetti, Dr. Arrigo, Journalist, Editor of “Europeo” weekly review.
Bolis, Prof. Luciano, Univ. Professor.
Calvi, Dr. Antonio, Politician.
Cammarata, Prof, Angelo, Rector of the University at Trieste.
Carandini, Count Dr. Nicolт, Doctor in law, politician, ex-Minister, former Italian Ambassador to Great
Britain, President of Italian National Committee for the Congress of Europe.
Cattani, Dr. Avv. Leone, Politician.
Cavallera, Dr. Vindice, Secretary of Italian National Committee.
Codignola, Dr. Tristano, Ex-Member of Parliament.
De Maria, Prof. Giovanni, Rector of the Bocconi University in Milan.
Falco, Prof. Giorgio, Prof, of History at the Turin University.
Ferrerio, Ing Piero, President of Edison and Inadel Co.
Ferruzzi, Dr. Raffaello, Inspector General of Universities at Education Mm.
Festi, Dr. Amato, President of the Confederation General of Commerce.
Fiore, Prof. Tommaso, Prof, of Literature at the University of Ban.
Garosci, Dr. Aldo, Journalist, editor of “L'Italia Socialista”, ex-member of Parliament.
Geuna, On. Dr. Silvio, Demochristian Member of Parliament.
Giacchero, On. Ing. Enzo, Demochristian Member of Parliament, Vice president of the European
Grimaldi, Aw. Michele, Lawyer.
Levi, Prof. Alessandro, Prof, of law at the Parma University.
Lodi, Avv. Giuseppe, Lawyer, Member of juridical Committee of U.E.F.
Lovera di Castiglione, Dr. Count Carlo, Dr. of Philosophy, writer.
Maino, Avv. Carlo, Lawyer, industrialist.
Marchesano, Avv. Enrico, President of the Italian Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (I.R.I.), Economist.
Martinato, Ing. Carlo, Economist, Managing Director of “Italcable”.
Mestica, Prof, Aw. Guido, Lawyer, Civil Service (Education).
Merghen, Prof. Raffaello, Ordinary Prof, of Medieval History at the Rome Univ.
Milo di Villagrazia, Aw. Antonio, Editor of “Mondo Europeo”.
Morra, Mr Umberto.
Nepi, Dr. Asbite E., Director General of Banca Nazionale del Lavoro.
Olivetti, Dr. Adriano, Industrialist.
Olivetti, Dr. Massimo, Industrialist, President of Organising Committee of the International Congress of
U.E.F. at Turin.
Paggi, Aw. Mario, Lawyer, editor of “Stato Moderno”.
Palumbo, Prof. Pier Fausto, Prof, of Medieval and Modern History at the Bari University. Secretary General
of the Institute for the Study of Labour, editor of “Europa Review”.
Peretti Griva, Dr.Riccardo, First President of the Court of Appeal in Turin.
Perrone Capano, On. Aw. Giuseppe, Liberal Member of Parliament, Undersecretary of State for Education.
Quasimodo, Mr. Salvatore, Poet.
Quintieri, Dr. Quinto, Vice President of the Confederation of Industry.
Raffler, von Dr. Walburga.
Rossi, Prof. Ernesto, President of A.R.A.R.
Rossi, On. Aw. Paolo, Lawyer, United Socialist Parliament Member.
Sarfatti, Prof. Aw. Gustavo, Prof, at the Padova University, Vice-President of the Juridical Commission of
Scaretti, Dr. Enrico, Banker.
Siglienti, Aw. Stefano, Lawyer, ex Minister.
Silone, On. Ihnazio, Writer, United Socialists Member of Parliament.
Spinelli—Hirschmann, Mrs. Ursula, Publisher.
Spinelli, Dr. Altiero, Publisher.
Storoni, Avv. Enzo, Ex-Undersecretary of State.
Ungaretti, Prof. Giuseppe, Poet, University Prof, at the Rome University.
Usellini, Dr. Guglielmo, Member of the Executive of U.E.F.
Visentini, Dr. Bruno, Economist, ex-undersecretary of State.
Son Altesse Prince Constantin de Liechtenstein, Prйsident de la Croix Rouge Liechtensteinoise, Prйsident de
l'Union Europйenne, Mouvement Liechtensteinois pour l'Union Fйdйrale de l'Europe.
Steffan, Brune-Alexandre, Dr en droit, Directeur fiduciaire
Berger, Prof. Hans.
Loesch, Fernand, Avocat Dйputй Echevin, Prйsident Office du Tourisme.
Hentgen, Aloyse, Avocat, Prйsident du groupe Parlementaire du parti Chrйtien Social, vice-Prйsident des
Nouvelles Equipes Internationales.
Hemmer, Carlo, Secrйtaire Fйdйration des Industriels.
Braunshausen, Prof., Ancien Ministre. Prйsident de l'Union Fйdйraliste Luxembourgeoise.
Nennig, Emile, Vice-Prйsident de l'Union Fйdйraliste Luxembourgeoise.
Koch, Henri, Secrйtaire Gйnйral Adjoint de l'Union Europйenne des Fйdйralistes.
Koch, Mad. Alison.
d'Ailly, Dr. A. J., Burgomaster of Amsterdam.
Asselbergs, Prof. Dr. W. (Anton van Duinkerken), Cultural Commission.
Bachg, Mr. F. J. H., M.P.
Booy, Thijs, Dutch Youth Society.
Brandt, Prof. Dr. C. D.
Brugmans, Dr. H.
Bruyn, A. C. de, President of Cath. Workers Union.
Cleveringa, Prof. Dr. R. P., Leiden University.
Crul, Dr. Th. W., Seer. Pol. Dep. Cabinet Prime-Minister.
Fokkema, Rev. J., M.P.
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5-th of May 1949, London, St. James Palace
Adoption of the Statute of the Council of Europe
Robert Schuman signs the Statute of the Council of Europe on behalf of France
This was the beginning!
|First sitting of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in Hotel de Ville de Strasbourg, 1949|
The Hague Congress or the voice of Europe
Denis de Rougemont
Homme de lettres.
That architecture of great beams, rafters and carved crosspieces supporting a huge roof, high above; I had a momentary vision of us as children, leaping from one beam to another without looking down at the yawning chasm beneath us … I suddenly felt dizzy. I lowered my gaze to look along the bare, white walls, as far as that line of shields with the lions lying down in threes. Lower still there were hanging carpets. Above us was a wide, square canopy, draped with red and gold silk. I leaned my head against the folds of a heavy purple velvet curtain. Who were these people all around me, their faces lit by the beams of the film projectors? I was sitting on the platform, behind two rows of fascinating backs and necks which extended above the backs of the chairs. That very wide, red neck, that was Ramadier; the placid, fair-skinned neck, that was van Zeeland, and that non-neck was Paul Reynaud. A dark head with the hair lying very flat was leaning towards a woman’s hat — yes, that was Princess Juliana. A white, puffy neck rising from a black frock coat, that was Winston Churchill. To my left and right were several friends in profile; that young man was a former Dutch Socialist Minister, another young man was a former British Conservative Minister, the slit eyes of Coudenhove, Lord Layton’s Voltaire-like smile, a man in black wearing a long chain round his neck.
Where was I? When was this happening? Was it a dream? What was going on?Someone was talking into a microphone, and his voice came back to me from the hall: ‘The task before us, at this Congress, is not only to raise the voice of Europe as a united home … We must here and now resolve that a European Assembly shall be constituted …’
Yes, it was a dream, a dream which had come true, and which I had been having for 20 years. In front of us, all round us, in that great Knights’ Hall which was the meeting place of a very ancient parliament, there were a thousand people, a thousand Europeans. I recognised a few faces in the crowd:
Anthony Eden’s moustache, Daladier’s sunken face, the profile of the Mad Hatter from Alice in Wonderland (it could only be Bertrand Russell), Prieto’s shiny skull, the white curls of William Rappard, a larger-thanlife Englishman: Charles Morgan, an archbishop representing the Vatican, a Lord Bishop representing the see of Canterbury, some Labour members of the UK Parliament, a smiling Italian anarchist, German Ministers in rimless glasses … But why that deafening applause? ‘Europe,’ someone had just said into the microphone, ‘is the civilisation of non-conformists!’ I looked at the text that I had been handed.
‘Europe is the country of people constantly at war with themselves, it is a place where no certainty is accepted as the truth unless it is constantly rediscovered. Other continents pride themselves on their efficiency, but the European climate is the only one which makes life dangerous, adventurous, magnificent and tragic — and thus worth living.’ (It was my friend Brugmans, a Dutch Labour politician, who was speaking before 12 former Heads of Government, 60 Ministers and former Ministers, 200 members of Europe’s parliaments and 600 other delegates who had come from 25 countries. But I said to myself that, after all, our Congresswas doubly non-conformist: it had managed to bring the conformists and the non-conformists together to work on a common project.). We had just crossed the hall in procession, Churchill and his wife leading the way. There were flowers everywhere, and fanfares in the palace courtyard. ‘You’d think it was a wedding!’ the man next to me whispered.
A wedding between whom? Churchill and the European left, perhaps? Or old statesmen and the generations forged during the Resistance? Or, indeed, yesterday’s conquerors and conquered? (We had German, Austrian and Italian delegations.) Or the wedding of West and East? No, not that: the 30-odd Romanians, Poles, Czechs, Hungarians and Yugoslavs present were, alas, only ‘observers’.
Hold on: the Congress had only just started. History alone would judge the real meaning of this unprecedented ceremony.
I am writing now in the peace and quiet of my country home on the French-Swiss border. (The border is 1 200 metres away. Every time I cross it, I inwardly repeat the final commitment of the Congress: ‘We desire a United Europe, throughout whose area the free movement of persons, ideas and goods is restored.’)
Over the last fortnight I have read hundreds of articles about The Hague. I have been rereading my speeches for this collection. I am trying to make comparisons and draw conclusions, provisionally, before setting off again.
The enthusiastic applause which greeted Brugmans’ phrase about European ‘non-conformism’ surprised me more than anything else that happened at the Congress. (The press does not refer to it much.) It was no accident, actually, because when Paul Ramadier, at the same opening session, felt obliged to say: ‘We are not here to start a federalist revolution!’, a stony silence was all the response he got. After that, it was less surprising to see some of those federalist arguments accepted by unanimous vote of the assembly, even though most of the delegates, if asked individually, would probably have admitted that they were a long way from subscribing to the doctrine behind them. The explanation for these final votes could not have been a mass conversion. They reflected a half-conscious, half-reasoned shift towards the only coherent position possible as a basis for an offensive: the federalist position, which is indeed ‘non-conformist’ in Europe’s present state.
There is, of course, an orthodox doctrine of federalism — and I think I know what it is. Sometimes its advocates are concerned at seeing the practical conclusions that they draw from it being adopted by politicians who still think in terms of nations, of rational unification or just of a defence against one or other
of the ‘two Great Powers’. A devout Christian, seeing his church suddenly filling up with a crowd of unbelievers repeating the same words as him, would feel very uneasy and would wonder what fear was driving them, what great public calamity was on its way. Let us be wary of confusing our categories, however. If federalism aims to be a policy, not a cult or a theology (although it has strong religious connotations in quite a few minds), it will have to work with those who accept it for reasons other than those that it offers itself. In a political setting, more often than not it is the difficult compromise that represents real success. Where a doctrine scores a total victory — be it is a good one or, shall we say, the best one — it either leads to nothing or it paves the way to a totalitarian future.
What will be the consequences of The Hague? What tangible results did we achieve? To my mind there are two, both of which are more important than the resolutions adopted.
1. The Congress of Europe was intended to deliver a jolt and wake up public opinion. To a large extent it did, if not quite as much as it deserved. Awakening Europe’s conscience was its only means of action.
Inasmuch as it achieved this objective, it established European union on foundations lacking by the UN: the conscious determination of its social groups and the enthusiasm of individuals. Living in a democracy is what counts, and the rest will follow.
2. The Congress of Europe was a chance to highlight real difficulties, and that is the only way of diminishing the frequent objections which can be made to a European Federation by sceptics, reactionaries, sectarians of the left or of big business, shameful nationalists or careless utopians. The very fact that these impassioned debates culminated in unanimous agreement — instead of the split which threatened to happen on three occasions — is a decisive result. The toughest battle for European unity may have been won at The Hague, even if the most spectacular conclusions are only drawn later, and elsewhere.
The European press described the Congress of Europe as a ‘federalist’ congress. In fact, the federalist groups were in the minority on all counts. In terms of both the numbers and the prestige of the statesman who represented it, the ‘unionist’ tendency dominated the proceedings to a large extent. It held most of the
commanding positions. What did it want to achieve? It is very difficult to say clearly without betraying it.
According to the wording of the invitation it had sent out to the Congress participants, it wanted ‘greater unity among the countries of Europe’ — a rather vague and unconvincing phrase. What kind of unity? And
greater than what? It either went too far, or not far enough. It was not a basis to work from, or for an agreement. Who would dare to come out against a little more union in general? The federalists, by contrast,
called for specific measures, and especially for institutions, designed to take us beyond absolute national sovereignty but falling short of total ‘unity’, which was as dangerous as the divisions between us. It was foreseen, that is to say, before the Congress, that ‘unionist’ inconstancy would play no part in The Hague
except to act as a brake, by comparison with a federalism which was coherent and sure of its objectives. That is what happened in practice. Most of the positions defended by the federalist tendency — and which could already be found formulated in the report from the Montreux Congress — were accepted
unanimously. As for the contribution from the unionist side, it consisted mainly of ceaselessly reminding people that they needed to be cautious and pointing to the likely obstacles. It contrived to smother expressions that were too specific — such as Federation — in general wishes which did not commit to anything but at least left the door open. By means of these hesitations, confusions and behind-the-scenes manoeuvrings, we saw the Congress gradually siding with something to which it obstinately refused to give a name or label but which, all the same, was nothing less than the federalist programme. The major institutions that Montreux proposed were adopted in principle in The Hague: the Supreme Court, responsible for sanctioning a Charter of the rights of the individual; the Assembly of Europe, representing the live forces of our nations, not just their parliaments; a common economic body; a European Centre for Culture. And most of the general principles put forward in Montreux were reiterated, almost word for word, in the resolutions adopted in The Hague: not just the partial transfer of national sovereignty to common bodies (which is still the crucial issue) but also the inclusion of a federated Europe in a World Federation, the urgent need to reconcile ‘the exigencies of modern economic development […] with the integrity of human personality’, and lastly the involvement of the trade unions in the development of the economy thus created.
The federalists’ success at The Hague was not the victory of one party over another. Unionism is not actually a doctrine, it is a normal stage in the development of people’s convictions along the path to effective federalism. Very few of the delegates came out against our arguments. Some of them, to tell the
truth, were only afraid of a kind of ‘integral federalism’ based on the local authority and business, which there was no question of anyone suggesting in The Hague. Among the delegates from continental Europe, opposition was thus only from lesser to greater, from caution to innovating drive, from a kind of lingering scepticism to a determination to ‘hustle’ public opinion and the governments. An evident desire to achieve results, springing from a general feeling that the stakes were high, would very probably have taken the Congress a great deal further — if it had not been for the British.
Before The Hague, many people thought that the main dispute would be between Labour and the
Conservatives. That showed how little they knew the British.
Behind the often vocal differences between unionists and federalists, the only deep-seated dispute to divide
the Congress was the silent clash between the common front put up by the British and the (tactically)
scattered moves made by the continental Europeans.
The opposition can be summarised in two remarks, which I noted down during the debates in the Political
The Rt Hon. Harold Macmillan: Remember your French proverb: hasten slowly.
Paul Reynaud: That’s a curious watchword to suggest to someone who’s drowning!
On a general, theoretical level, both points of view can be defended ad infinitum. Even in practice, they are
not necessarily contradictory. But in the specific case of European union, the British position is ambiguous.
And in the state of emergency that Europe is in, ambiguity can prove fatal.
But the fact is that most people in the United Kingdom are not aware of this state of emergency. (The British
delegates at The Hague kept repeating: If we vote for this or that, which we believe to be right, we will not
be followed at home; people do not see things that way in our country.) The great political virtues of that
people have always been slowness, a mistrust of solutions based on principle, and trust in a certain
vagueness in phrases and statements of position which helps in reaching practical understandings. But it is
not certain that this method still works at European level. And at that level it has to be admitted that the
British are relative newcomers. Their traditional policy was to stop Europe uniting under the aegis of a
threatening nation. The principle was just, but the reflex that it has left them with is not conducive to the
type of creative action to which the Congress was supposed to spur us on. If Europe is to come into being,
the British must agree to think as part of Europe, and stop thinking as if they were squaring up to Europeacross the Channel, which is a minor geographical detail in the reality of the 20th century.
As soon as the Hague Congress was over, I heard everywhere:
— For us in continental Europe, what is at stake is Europe. For the British, it is first and foremost the
Empire, and the union of Europe could save the Empire, providing it is not too much of one thing or too
much of the other, too specific, too continental …
This description will seem hard or even unfair to many of my British friends. I cannot help it: it sums up the
opinion of the European press when the Hague Congress was over. If it shocks the British, it is up to them to
do something to correct it.
Ah! Gentlemen of Great Britain! I admire your spirit: you never fire the first shot. But in The Hague, that is
exactly what our peoples were expecting of us all.
I have just quoted Paul Reynaud. As everyone knows, he caused what is known as a ‘sensation’ at the
Congress by proposing that a constituent Assembly for Europe be elected in the next six months, by
universal suffrage, on the basis of one member per million inhabitants. There were nine votes for the motion.
There is a great deal we could say about that setback.
Among those who voted against the Reynaud scheme, some had good reasons, some had fears which stood
in for reasons, and some had very bad reasons.
Bad reasons: ‘It is just utopia, or it is demagoguery. In any case, it is too soon. The broad masses are not
ready for it.’ Actually, nothing is more urgent than a Parliament for Europe. And the broad masses will only
come out for Europe on the day that European elections are held. And appealing to the masses is not
demagoguery, if the reason for doing it is to save them and not to hoodwink them. As for the utopia
argument, it is not worth discussing. What were the people who used it doing in The Hague in the first
Fears standing in for reasons: ‘If the plan does go through, it will put paid to the sacrosanct sovereignty of
the nation-state for good. We do want to limit it, but not to that extent. We will be taking a leap into the
unknown, where anything could happen. The people will not be behind us. Governments reassure us, and
this plan will shock them. And how are we going to inform the general public (i.e. engineer the elections) in
the short time that we are being offered?’
Good reasons: ‘This plan is purely quantitative, it puts the smaller nations at a disadvantage; it takes no
account of the obstacles in the constitutions of several of the countries; and it would create a unitary Europe,
not a federation.’
And so we saw people from all the schools of thought agreeing to put up a joint refusal. I would have
preferred a refusal that just scraped in, not that stampede towards caution, especially by my federalist
friends, because an appeal on those lines was exactly what was expected of The Hague, at any rate within
continental Europe. The Reynaud plan was not outstanding. It should have been replaced by a better one
rather than being swept aside as though it were something unseemly.
The British closed ranks against the idea and the rest of the Congress was against that specific plan. The fact
is that the British do not much like governments being ‘hustled’. In the three committees, long before the
Congress, they insisted we ‘pay tribute’ to the efforts of the Five, or the Sixteen, or Unesco, or even the UN.
They are satisfied with their government, that is why. Most countries in continental Europe, apart from the
small ones, have had different experiences.
The Reynaud plan will triumph if Europe has to be built tomorrow, because everyone agrees on the principle of a European Assembly. But it is very peculiar that no one thought of filling out the plan rather than killing it off. How are we to rectify the (to my mind critical) error that it contains: the slavish attachment to
numbers? By transposing the Swiss or United States system to Europe: a chamber appointed by the peoples
is counterbalanced by a chamber appointed by the states, safeguarding the federalist principle of quality
against quantity (since each country, big or small, would appoint the same number of members to it).
I have emphasised the differences of opinion, the hesitations, the disputes, not in any way with the intention
of entrenching them — on the contrary, my aim is to help, however little, in hammering out the future
prospects for our work. The battle for Europe proves that Europe is alive, which means that my opponents
are my friends, since the principle for which I am fighting is that of union in diversity.
In the quest to which some of us have committed ourselves, whatever the risks, we are going to be breaking
spears on a companion’s shield quite often; such is the passion that Europe calls for. But we serve a shared
We do not want a Europe of the right or the left, nor of the centre, nor, especially, a Europe with no parties:
we want a federalist Europe. We do not want a French or British version of Europe, we want a
‘Helveticised’ Europe, in other words not one without nations, by any means, but one which is not
dominated by any one nation.
Europe is a dialogue, an ongoing debate. Only those who would aspire to be the only voices in it can be
absolutely refused freedom of speech, just as we confiscate the chips from a cheat or take a razor out of the
hands of a neurotic person. Europe must go on being the place where those in power reach accommodations
with their opponents: that is the whole problem facing real politics, a problem dictatorships eliminate
because they cannot confront it.
Otherwise, where would be the risks of freedom — risks without which there may be no freedom?